Real IRA

Real IRA
Dissident republicans

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

IRA, Diplock Court Belfast, Kevin O Neill

IRA Attacks on Drug dealers for Protection Money

Four men went on trial in Belfast facing a total of nine terrorist related charges between them, including IRA membership, possession of firearms, conspiracy to attack suspected drug dealers, collecting information on dealers and possessing materials useful to terrorists.

The four men refused to stand at the start of the Diplock-style non-jury trial before Crown Court Judge Patricia Smyth.

The court was told the men could allegedly be identified from covert voice recordings made by the security services.

A senior prosecution barrister further claimed the recordings, made between December 2013 and May the following year, taken together with other circumstantial evidence, the court could infer "that they are members of the IRA, carrying out activities on behalf of the IRA".

On trial are 52-year-old Dunmurry men, Mark Gerard Heaney of Lagmore Gardens, and Daniel Joseph Anthony McClean of Lagmore Gardens, and west Belfast men, 62-year-old Kevin O'Neill from Coolnasilla Park south and 41-year-old Robert Warnock O'Neill of Bingnian Drive.

All are accused of IRA membership between December 2013 and June 2014, and conspiracy to inflict grievous bodily harm on a suspected drug dealer.

Heaney and Robert O'Neill also face separate charges of possessing a firearm with intent and under suspicious circumstances, and with McClean also with collecting information on drug dealers and falsely imprisoning a suspected dealer.

Kevin O'Neill alone is additionally charged with possessing articles useful to terrorists including an imitation firearm, camouflage jackets and black gloves, allegedly uncovered during a search of his home following his arrest in June 2014.

The trial continues on Wednesday when the court will hear a number of defence legal submissions on the admissibility as evidence of the alleged covert recordings of the men.

IRA, Diplock Court Belfast, Kevin O Neill, Joseph McClean, Mark Heaney, Robert O Neil

Thursday, October 11, 2018

McCabe Tribunal, Justice Peter Charleton, Maurice McCabe, Fianna Fail

When Allegations of Sex Crime are used as a Political Weapon to Assassinate good people

Whatever political or social views are held by any citizen, no citizen should be content when false allegations of sexual crime are used against any individual for any reason. Garda Maurice McCabe was branded a sex criminal by the most senior member of An Garda Sochana, when no evidence ever existed to support such vexatious and malicious claims.

Each and every day false allegations of sexual crime are leveled against good people and in many cases these false allegations have led to people being convicted before the Courts and even The Court of Appeal has been fooled by well scholared liars and corrupt Gardai.

Those who are hurt most by these political conspiracies are the real and actual victims of sexual crime, victims whose assertions will be more and more questioned as the public lose faith in a system that allows good people to be destroyed by people pursuing personal or political vendetta’s.

Where was the voice of so-called victims’ groups when it was clear that the State and some of its leading dignitaries had led a disgraceful and vexatious smear campaign against Maurice McCabe. Hundreds of Millions of Euro of Tax Payer’s money is being pumped into so-called victims’ groups to protect and speak up for the vulnerable, however, it appears from the Maurice McCabe conspiracy that those victims’ groups will not bite the political hand that feeds them.

Garda Commissioner, Martin Callinan told TD that Garda Sgt Maurice McCabe was a sex abuser, The Charleton Tribunal has found:

Mr Charleton: Maurice McCabe was ‘repulsively denigrated’ for being no more than a good citizen and police officer

The Charleton Tribunal has found that the then Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan told a Dáil deputy in early 2014 that whistle-blower Sgt Maurice McCabe had sexually abused his own family.

In a report published on Thursday, Mr Justice Peter Charleton said he accepted what the former head of the Public Accounts Committee, John McGuinness, said in evidence of a meeting in a car park in West Dublin.

Mr Callinan, in his evidence to the tribunal, disputed the Fianna Fáil deputy’s evidence about what was said in the meeting.

The finding is a devastating finding for a former head of the police force. The abuse claim against Mr McCabe was completely without foundation.

Mr McGuinness told the tribunal that the then commissioner said to him that there were issues to do with Sgt McCabe, who at the time was being considered as a potential witness to the Dáil committee.

Mr McGuinness said he was told the sergeant “had sexually abused his family and an individual, that he was not to be trusted, that I had made a grave error in relation to the Public Accounts Committee and the hearings because of this, and that I would find myself in serious trouble.”

Mr Callinan, in his evidence said he did not at any point “speak in derogatory terms of Sgt McCabe nor would I.”

Mr Justice Charleton said the conversation “as described by John McGuinness TD took place.”

He also said that Nóirín O’Sullivan, who succeeded Mr Callinan as commissioner, had said she had no knowledge of the car park meeting. “There is nothing to show otherwise.”

Mr Justice Charleton said that, at the time, Mr Callinan felt a “frontal assault” was needed to stop Sgt McCabe appearing before the committee.

“That involved, regrettably, a pretence that Maurice McCabe was not only unreliable but that reliance on him would be a trap, the springing of which, through him being charged with one or multiple sexual abuse allegations, would leave deputy McGuinness looking more than foolish.”

Campaign of calumny

The tribunal has also found that the former head of the Garda Press Office, Supt Dave Taylor, was involved in a campaign of “calumny” against Sgt McCabe and rejected Supt Taylor’s claim that he was acting under orders.

“The tribunal is convinced that he pursued a scheme that somehow evolved out of his cheek-by-jowl working relationship with Commissioner Callinan.

“Their plan was that there was to be much nodding and winking and references to a historic claim of sexual abuse”, the judge said.

During the tribunal evidence was heard that in 2006 Sgt McCabe was the subject of a claim of historic child sex abuse but that the claim was dismissed by the Director of Public Prosecutions.

Mr Justice Charleton said that Supt Taylor was a witness whose “credibility was completely undermined by his own bitterness”.

Mr Justice Charleton said he accepted the evidence given by the Security and Crime editor of The Irish Times, Conor Lally, who rejected a claim by Supt Taylor that he had been briefed negatively about Sgt McCabe.

Repulsively denigrated

In his report, the Supreme Court judge said of Sgt McCabe: “What has been unnerving about more than 100 days of hearings in this tribunal is that a person who stood up for better standards in our national police force, Sergeant Maurice McCabe, and who exemplified hard work in his own calling, was repulsively denigrated for being no more than a good citizen and police officer.”

In investigating the calumny against him, other aspects of our national life have been laid bare, the judge said.

The tribunal has not supported a claim that Ms O’Sullivan treated Sgt McCabe unfairly during the confidential hearings of the O’Higgins Commission, a claim that led to calls for her resignation during 2016.

Mr Justice Charleton said there was a “rush to judgment” in the public mind when selected leaked information from the commission hearings came into the public domain.

The tribunal also rejected the claim that a report broadcast on RTÉ by crime correspondent Paul Reynolds in May, 2016, had “branded” Sgt McCabe “a liar and irresponsible”.

Sgt McCabe believed that the RTÉ report was based on briefing material prepared by the Garda and used by former Garda commissioner Ms O’Sullivan to influence or attempt to influence RTÉ’s report.

However, these allegations are not upheld by Mr Justice Charleton in his report.

“While there was a reference (in Paul Reynolds’ report) to an untruth told by Maurice McCabe to the O’Higgins Commission, there can be no criticism for reporting that,” Mr Justice Charleton writes.

“Furthermore, a reference in the relevant term of reference, (k), to Maurice McCabe being branded as irresponsible is inaccurate. What Paul Reynolds did was honest.

“He was not under the directions of Garda Headquarters and he went about his job as an intelligent and independent reporter. In no sense was he a tool of the higher echelons of Garda Headquarters.”

McCabe Tribunal, Justice Peter Charleton, Maurice McCabe, Fianna Fail

Thursday, August 9, 2018

Vincent McKenna, Sinn Fein

Vincent McKenna Conviction

Vincent McKenna is about to have his conviction for sexual assault declared a miscarriage of justice and is expected to be paid substantial compensation by the State. The conviction came at the height of McKenna’s campaign to expose leading members of the Provisional movement as British Agents including Martin McGuinness, Freddie Scappitticci, Dennis Donaldson, Roy McShane and many others.

Vincent McKenna exhausted after finishing the 2018 Dublin City Marathon and holding the plaque he received when he completed the 1988 Millennium Dublin City Marathon

McKenna’s conviction has been described by Senior Counsel as, “A Bizarre miscarriage of justice, achieved by collaboration between an even more bizarre collection of people”.

Dr Mohan, Senior Consultant with the Department of Justice has said, "It is clear that the Jury in DPP v Vincent McKenna had insufficient information to make a balanced decision".

Vincent McKenna with Maureen Kearney (RIP) campaigning for Justice for Andrew Kearney who was murdered by gutless cowards on the 19th July 1998. This murder gang was being directed by a British Agent and this above all else is what makes their murderous attack a crime against humanity.

McKenna said, "I was very naive in relation to the lengths that people would go to in order to deny me a fair hearing, the Garda Inspector involved in the case swore on Oath that he had not given information to the media before my trial, however, a senior Garda is on record stating that the Garda Inspector admitted to him that he had feed information to the media which denied me a fair trial. I have since learned that The Jury Foreman was out on bail facing serious charges and that the Jury had been told lies about me while they were having lunch in The Swan Lake Hotel, the whole thing is like something written by Roddy Doyle".

"When I went voluntarily to Monaghan District Court on the 12th January 1999 to seek access to my children, I was arrested by Gardai after I left the Court under Section 4 of The Criminal Justice Act, in relation to allegations of indecent assault. During my 20-hour detention the Gardai had no interest in the alleged allegations as they said they were not worth the paper they were written on. I told the Gardai that I wanted my interviews recorded, however, they refused and focused on recruiting me as an Agent to work on their behalf in the north. They told me things about Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin TD and Eoin/Owen Smyth which I had not known before, they also told me that Owen Smyth had promised them guns in exchange for them arresting me in a high-profile fashion".

"Before I was released without charge or bail from Monaghan Garda Station one of the Detectives wrote his name, private home address and private phone number on the back of a receipt from Penny’s store in Dundalk so that I could work for them as an Agent. For some un-explained reason, when I returned to Belfast Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan began to brief the press negatively about me, for example:

"Asked if the Garda investigators expect formal charges to be directed by the DPP, Inspector Sullivan told the Irish Voice, 'we are confident that there will be a prosecution and we are confident that we will secure convictions against this suspect'." (

In retaliation for Garda Inspector Joseph Sullivan briefing the press negatively against me I gave the Penny’s receipt to Journalist Nell McCafferty and she phoned the Garda Detective and he agreed that he had given me his name, private home address and number to provide Gardai with information”.

16th January 1999: “Gardai believe the heavy machineguns found in a field in Monaghan on Thursday are part of the same Provisional IRA arsenal discovered last October”, Irish Independent.

"The allegations were initiated in April 1998 with the alleged victim making no formal allegation until 9th January 1999. On the 7th May 1998 my ex-wife Fiona McCleary phoned my partner in Belfast and told her, “All that is being said is lies, but it has all gone too far”, Fiona went on to say that she had been forced by Owen/Eoin Smyth and Marian Smyth to initiate the allegations. In July 1998 Fiona had asked me to phone her, and I phoned her from the Jury’s Hotel in Ballsbridge, one of my sisters was with me and she listened to the conversation, Fiona McCleary said, “If you sign the house over to me and agree to meet with Owen Smyth the allegations will go away”, I told Fiona that would not be happening and she should think about what she is doing. Fiona continued to say that she had meet with Owen Smyth and Marian Smyth on a number of occasions to see how the allegations could be advanced against me".

The alleged victim would later claim to have won a young person of the year award, in fact she had not won any award, but had been nominated for that award by RUC Informer/double-killer Eoin/Owen Smyth and Tax Fraudster Patsy Treanor. What real victim would accept a nomination from such degenerates. The Supreme Court in Dublin described Smyth’s crimes as, “so brutal, cowardly and callous that it would be a distortion of language if they were to be accorded the status of a political offence”. Owen/Eoin Smyth had told Vincent McKenna in the Republican A Wing Crumlin Road Jail in 1981, that he (Smyth) had planned the murders of 86 year-old Norman Strong and his 56 year-old son James. In 1998 Smyth was determined to bury McKenna as Smyth knew that if McKenna made a statement about what Smyth had told him, Smyth could be re-charged with the murders under Section 2 of The 1993 Criminal Justice Act.

The alleged victim actually received 47 votes on a phone-in vote to RTE Television for the people of the year awards, this is the same person who claimed to have presented a petition of 200,000 signatures to The DPP, The DPP have stated in writing that the petition never existed, it was fantasy.
From Left to Right: The alleged victim who insisted on attending Vincent McKenna's graduation a few months before she alleges abuse at his hand.

The alleged victim

While the alleged victim would state on Oath to the Court that she had no knowledge of sexual activity other than what she was describing against the accused, her Private Diary, March 1998, told a different story, this was not shown to the jury:

“Fuck em All, Full Monty, I stayed in Aidan’s Room, I just want to get close to him, Mum has no idea where I stayed, we are all going out to Hillgrove tomorrow night 19th I will wear my sexy black morgan dress that gives me pulling power, Aidan, Ciaran and Darragh!”.

The alleged victim has no more entries in her diary for 1998 and shortly after entering the above sexually driven entry she begins the process of making allegations of sexual abuse against Vincent McKenna.

Diary entry 1997: “In reference to the above I went (Dec 1996) with fella from Keady, Mark was his name, I was a tease in my tight cords and top, at the Glencairn under-18 I shifted Mark in a dark quiet corner”.

The alleged victim is also intensely jealous of her siblings and especially their relationship with Vincent McKenna, here is an extract from her personal diary, January 1997:

“Sean worships his Father, he is hyperactive, does karate, curses at every opportunity and is usually fighting and like I said just nicked £5 from Sinead…Sinead is a bad bitch”.

Free e-Books by Vincent McKenna 

Vincent McKenna Arrest and Detention

Vincent McKenna was arrested under anti-terrorist legislation on many occasions both north and south of the ‘border’ and houses in which he lived north and south were raided. In 1983 McKenna was arrested under Section 30 of the Offences Against the State Act on two occasions, on one occasion he was travelling with Caoimhghín Ó'Caoláin when they were stopped by Detectives and on another occasion when McKenna was staying in a safe house in north Dublin. In 1986 McKenna was arrested under a 7-day detention order in the north and taken to Gough Barracks in Armagh. An Informer from Aughnacloy had wrongfully named McKenna in statements as the person being involved in the shooting of a UDR member. McKenna was interrogated 20 hours per-day by a team of 12 specialist RUC officers, McKenna was subjected to incessant psychological pressure being exerted by his R.U.C. interrogators. McKenna remained silent and he has little sympathy for those who say they broke under interrogation. McKenna says, “The reality is that those who ‘broke’ were never committed to the cause of Irish Republicanism, these were self-centred individuals who cared only for their own miserable existence”.

In 1981 McKenna, while in a car driven by Kevin McKenna’s sister, was arrested in relation to two arson attacks both of which involved RUC personnel (one attack was directly on a house in which three RUC Officers lived, the other was on a chip-shop above which a Catholic RUC Officer was staying with the daughter of the chip-shop owner) and McKenna was remanded to the Republican A Wing of Crumlin Road Jail. McKenna was given bail as he was described in court as a 17-year-old who had recently been married and his first child had been born. While on bail McKenna was told by his IRA commanders in Monaghan not to return for trial in the north. McKenna was then subject to a long and drawn out extradition process.

In 1984 McKenna was extradited by The High Court in Dublin, following this judgement The State’s Solicitor’s Office in the north told McKenna he would only be charged with arson and not endangering life if he did not appeal the judgement to The Supreme Court. McKenna spoke to Joe Cahill and Seamus McGarrigle at 44 Parnell Square and they said he could not take the deal. However, when McKenna returned to Monaghan he was told by senior IRA members including The OC that he could take the deal and return to Monaghan where he would continue to work for Sinn Fein/PIRA.

When McKenna withdrew his appeal to The Supreme Court and returned to the north, the RUC charged McKenna with two arson attacks and endangering the lives of three RUC officers and a civilian. McKenna complained to the courts and the story made headline news, the State Solicitor’s Office eventually reduced the charges as their ‘double-cross’ would have prevented others from taking assurances from the State Solicitor’s Office. Behind the scenes many members of The INLA Hugh Torney and the PIRA Joe McGuckin took deals that simply meant they would have some charges dropped in exchange for dropping long drawn out and expensive court proceedings in Dublin.

McKenna spent several months in the Republican A-Wing of Crumlin Road Jail and was under the command of Joe Haughey and Seamus Shannon (Shannon had been extradited based on information supplied to the RUC by Owen/Eoin Smyth – when Smyth had been arrested in 1981).

Vincent McKenna 2018

In 2018 Vincent McKenna spends most of his time raising money for Cancer Research, McKenna lost a number of friends to Cancer and he has become one of the growing number of activists determined to help those searching for a cure for one of the greatest killers on earth. McKenna is not new to charity Fund Raising and as far back as 1978 McKenna organised a 1,000,001 darts marathon to help families in Cambodia, the money raised was the highest amount raised in Ireland for that flood disaster in 1978.

Vincent McKenna Interview

This is an exclusive interview with Vincent McKenna BBSc, PG Dip, MSc (First Class) Vincent McKenna originates from County Monaghan, although he spent many years of his childhood in neighboring County Tyrone.

Vincent McKenna Peace Process

In the early days of the Peace Process when Gerry Adams and John Hume were having exploratory talks, many of the people and political personalities who now claim ownership of the Peace Process were in fact opposed to the Hume/Adams Initiative that became public knowledge in 1993. The Irish Government were fearful that Sinn Fein could make substantial electoral gains in the south if Sinn Fein were to de-commission the PIRA and follow a peaceful path. The British Government were as always at the dictate of unionists and the USA was always fearful of being made look foolish if they fell in with a Peace Plan that might literally 'blow-up' in their face.

Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinamin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee as reported in Belfast Telegraph.

It was during these early days of the Peace Process that Vincent McKenna was asked by John Hume to draft a document that could be used as a Blue-print for multi-party talks and possible agreement. Vincent McKenna sought out a concept known as Consociational Democracy and began a process of engaging with a variety of groups and individuals involved in the conflict. McKenna set-up public platforms at Queens University Belfast where for the first-time such areas as policing, parades, prisoners and so forth were discussed in an open and honest manner. McKenna even managed to get the first round table discussions between The Orange Order, The Pardaes Commission and The Garvaghy Roads Residents Association during a two-day conference at Queens University's Politics Department.

From 1994 Vincent McKenna had been arguing that political prisoners must be part of any agreed settlement and in the article below McKenna joins Gino Gallagher in calls for all prisoners to be treated equally. It is worth noting that some of those who continue to use their poison pen against McKenna on sites such as The Starry Plough, were in fact sitting in the back seat of RUC cars and taking their weekly payment for 'touting' while McKenna was demanding rights for INLA prisoners.


By the summer of 1994 McKenna had prepared the first draft of a document that set out how the key stake-holders in the north including Sinn Fein and The DUP could meet on common ground in relation to the bread and butter issues, while remaining quietly at odds in relation to the 'National Question'.

From Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, Ed Curran, Paul McMinimin, Peter O'Neil, Tom Collins, John Hume and Prof Simon Lee in 1994

When Vincent McKenna graduated from Queens University with a degree in Politics and Information Management in 1996 he was asked to continue with his work by John Hume, Brian Lenihan TD Snr and a senior official from The NIO. McKenna was given Post-Graduate funding and at the beginning of 1998 McKenna presented his final draft of the document that would be brought forward for cross-party discussion in the north.

Left to Right: Vincent McKenna, William Smyth (PUP) and Barry McElduff (Sinn Fein) during a debate at Queens on political prisoners organised by Vincent McKenna

Left to Right: Raymond McCartney (Ex-POW), Danny McCloskey and Bronagh McGahan (ex-POW) as reported in The Irish News and organised by Vincent McKenna

Gael Scoil Ultain Monaghan

In 1986 Vincent McKenna was one of the founding members of an all Irish School, Gael Scoil Ultain, in Monaghan Town and Gael Scoil Ultain would be funded for the first two years of its existence with money raised by Vincent McKenna running sponsored Dublin City Marathons. In recent years the Irish Government would invest €30 Million on a new campus for Gael Scoil Ultain in Monaghan on the site of the old Amy barracks on the Armagh Road in Monaghan.

In 1997 Vincent McKenna won a Silver Medal in the UK regional Martial Arts Championship

While Chairperson of the Student Union Executive at Queens University in Belfast Mc Kenna would interpret the Constitution of The Students Union to allow for the introduction of a bi-lingual policy (English/Irish) on the University Campus, an executive decision for which McKenna was heavily criticised in the Belfast Newsletter.

McKenna came in for even greater criticism when he created the posts of LGB Officer and Women's Rights Officer on the Executive.

Vincent McKenna Sinn Fein/PIRA

Vincent McKenna joined Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan Town when he was 16 years old and served militarily under IRA Commander Jim Lynagh and Politically under Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD, at one point Vincent McKenna and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD shared a flat together at the bottom of Dublin Street, Monaghan Town, this is not disputed by Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD.

Christmas card sent to Vincent McKenna from Jim Lynagh (Portaloise Prison)

McKenna was also a regular writer for An Phoblacht/Republican news and worked closely with Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD during the restructuring of Sinn Fein in the early 1980s, this included spending many weeks working at Sinn Fein Head Quarters at 44 Parnell Square, Dublin. McKenna was also the person tasked with raising the money to open a Sinn Fein Office at 21 Dublin Street, Monaghan Town.

The article here to the right was written by McKenna and published in An Phoblacht/Republican News on July 7th 1985. The article addresses issues of human rights abuses and the hypocrisy of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church on the issue.

The article titled 'Election Posters', is an article written by McKenna and published in the Northern Standard in Monaghan when McKenna was Sinn Fein Director of Posters during an election campaign.

In 1987 McKenna’s friend and IRA Commander Jim Lynagh was shot dead by the SAS at Loughgall, while McKenna continued to work with a senior member of the PIRA from East Tyrone, it is alleged that McKenna teamed up with a small number of senior IRA members in Belfast and set about infiltrating the British establishment in the north in order to gain access to information about British Agents operating within the Provisional IRA and Sinn Fein. McKenna would in 1999 face questioning in Castlereagh interrogation centre in relation to the shooting of RUC Informer MartinMcGartland in England. McKenna was also spotted close to the home of former IRA Commander/MI5 Agent Sean O’Callaghan in London, while McKenna was stopped and questioned about his reasons for being in the area; McKenna said he was simply sightseeing.

In 1998 when McKenna was making successful inroads into the British establishment in the north of Ireland, the British Secret Service activated their agents to begin a campaign to discredit McKenna, as it was clear that McKenna had gained access to vital intelligence in relation to the shooting dead of 8 IRA volunteers at Loughgall in 1987. Such was the success of McKenna’s infiltration of the British apparatus in the north that McKenna gained the confidence of people such as Sir Jack Herman and many other securocrats who thought McKenna was a very brave man to be taking on the Provisional IRA on their own turf, the Ormeau Road in Belfast.

UDA Murders

The RUC were weary of Vincent McKenna’s new anti-terrorist persona, and McKenna was stopped on many occasions by the RUC and questioned as to his interest in certain loyalist areas. RUC suspicions were heightened in 1994 when McKenna was spotted close to the Kimberley Inn near Annadale Flats (loyalist housing off the Ormeau Road). This was a time when the Provisional IRA was targeting senior loyalist terrorists who had been responsible for the murders of dozens of innocent Catholics in the Ormeau Road area.

The RUC questioned McKenna about his interest in loyalist areas; however, McKenna simply told the RUC that he was getting to know Belfast. McKenna was spotted on the Upper Newtownards Road in East Belfast and again the RUC questioned him about his movements to no avail.

When on the 31st of July 1994 two senior loyalist terrorists were shot dead by the Provisional IRA close to Vincent McKenna's home on the Ormeau Road suspicion quickly fell on McKenna as the man who had provided the intelligence that lead to their deaths. Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder were two of the most senior loyalists in Belfast and had been responsible for at least 20 murders of innocent people, mainly Catholics. On at least one occasion the RUC visited McKenna’s home on the Ormeau Road and told him that his life was under threat from loyalist terroristsMcKenna ignored the warnings. McKenna joined a long line of Republicans to be afforded a nick-name by the British security services, McKenna was known as 'The Slayer'.

Bratty and Elder were shot dead with AK47 assault rifles, here McKenna holds an automatic assault rifle at his home on the Ormeau Road in Belfast in 1994.

Vincent McKenna Campaigner

Due to McKenna’s new found persona as an anti-terrorist campaigner, McKenna also found himself the subject of ridicule and attack by ground level republicans, many of whom were simply street criminals and informers. British agents such as Dennis Donaldson began issuing press statements about McKenna being anti-republican, and in McKenna’s native Monaghan, RUC Informer Owen/Eoin Smyth began a smear campaign against McKenna. However, it appears that McKenna was oblivious to all that going on around him and he had a single focused objective known only to an elite team of PIRA operatives in Belfast. Such was the secrecy of McKenna's intelligence work, that on the 18th July 1998 McKenna was assaulted by six low grade members of the Provisional movement close to the spot where Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder had been executed, McKenna being a trained boxer quickly dispatched the 6 would be assailants and they ran back down the Ormeau Road.
Vincent McKenna explains that those who carryout mutilation attacks such as that demonstrated above are the lowest form of criminal scum and also the easiest for the Police to recruit over the years. These guys don't have the metal to take on the Brits and are happiest when they are abusing children up back lanes or going home to batter their wives or abuse their children, scum.

This interview is about trying to unravel the true identity of Vincent McKenna, McKenna’s cousin Kevin McKenna (IRA Chief of Staff 1984-1997) accepts that Vincent McKenna was an IRA Intelligence Officer closely associated with Jim Lynagh, and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD accepts that Vincent McKenna was an active member of Sinn Fein from the age of 16 years.

1. Firstly, can I ask where you were reared and how you ended up living in Monaghan Town?

2. My family have lived in Monaghan for centuries, we are mainly based in Clara in north Monaghan, however, we have a very large extended family that now stretches the length and breadth of Ireland. I was reared in County Tyrone a few miles from my ancestral family home in Clara in north Monaghan. While I was in prison I had to request the Governor to reduce the number of visits I was receiving as I was studying for a Masters, writing a book ( and so forth. At one point The Censor came to me exasperated about the volume of correspondence I was receiving. I was grateful to the thousands of people who supported me through difficult times, but I also wanted to make use of the time that I had at my disposal.

Letter to Vincent McKenna from Gerry Adams TD

3. At what point did you return to Monaghan from Tyrone?

4. I left school when I was 16 years old and immediately moved back to Monaghan. I worked in Monaghan Poultry Products, which is now sadly closed, and I lived in a bedsit.

5. So you were living on your own and working in a factory when you were 16 years old?

6. That is correct, I was earning 38 pounds (punts) per week initially as I was only a child and not entitled to ‘mans’ wages, my bedsit was costing me 7 pounds (punts) per week. However, I was getting a good dinner in the factory every day and that kept me going. Eventually, Jack O’Connor (SIPTU President), who was my ITGWU Branch Secretary at the time secured what were called man’s wages for me. At the time I was the youngest Union rep in Ireland.

7. At what point did you get involved with the republican movement?

8. In Monaghan Poultry Products a number of the older lads were already members of Na Fianna Eireann, which is the junior IRA and I joined immediately.

9. What did you do in the Fianna?

10. To be honest the Fianna was really like the boy scouts, we simply marched on Easter Sunday and went to march at Bodenstown every June. We would meet in Rossmore Park to practice marching and sometimes we would meet in a prefab where the new county council offices now stand in Monaghan Town.

11. So you had no weapons training or anything of that nature while in the Fianna?

12. No, most of the lads that were in the Fianna were harmless; it was just like a boys club.

13. Did you join Sinn Fein?

14. Yes, I was in Mc Cague’s pub in Park Street one Saturday night and I was talking to Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, he asked me to join Sinn Fein, I told him that I was only interested in fighting the Brits and not simply sitting at meetings. However, Caoimhghin said that I could do both and he invited me to a Cummann meeting. I went to the O’Hanlon Sinn Fein Cummann meeting the following week, the meeting was held up stairs in St Maccartans Hall in Park Street. Those present on the night I joined Sinn Fein were Caoimhghin, JB O Hagan, PO’M, and Kieran Starrs. It would have been 1980 as Caoimhghin was still working in the Bank of Ireland.

15. Were you sworn in?

16. Yes, Caoimhghin read out a statement and I had to swear to that statement.

17. Were you joining Sinn Fein or the IRA or both?

18. I was joining Sinn Fein.

19. At what point if any did you join the IRA?

20. As far as I am concerned I joined the IRA when I joined Na Fianna Eireann, however, I did not have a significant role in the IRA until Jim Lynagh engaged me as an Intelligence Officer.

21. I am sure you are aware that there are some people who contradict the fact that you were a member of the IRA?

22. If you are talking about people like Owen/Eoin Smyth and Dennis Donaldson then I am sure you will understand if I treat their previously publicly stated comments about me with contempt, as both provided information to the RUC about Irish Republicans. Smyth made dozens of statements when he was arrested by The RUC in 1981 in relation to the killing of Norman Strong and his son James, and only fell short of turning State's Evidence against myself and other republicans, he only served 2 years. In 1990 Smyth was arrested by Gardai in relation to a Human Bomb attack, however, I always believed that this was a publicity stunt so that Smyth could ingratiate himself further with The PIRA, Smyth was arrested and, according to the interrogating gardaí, admitted to the abduction and attempted murders relating to the human bomb attack and he did so in graphic language. Smyth was charged with abduction and, given the evidence there was against him (that is, the identification by a witness and the explicit self confessions), one would have thought conviction and a long jail sentence would have followed. However, mysteriously, charges against Smyth were dropped.

Equally, I almost fell out of my chair when I read that Owen Smyth had told a public meeting in New York that he had been the subject of four assassination attempts, if he was, he was the only one that ever knew. Smyth would do anything to garner publicity for his Walter Mitty existence especially after he turned tout in 1981. What is actually bizarre about Smyth is that when he was working with certain people to do me down, they were the very people who were bringing UDR men into Monaghan Town, and there are independent witnesses to prove this. One should not underestimate the personal jealousies that exists within Sinn Fein/PIRA, Owen Smyth was always stabbing Caoimhghin O'Caolain in the back, yet it was Caoimhgin and I that organised a party for Smyth on the night of his release from prison in 1983 at a time when certain PIRA Volunteers wanted to execute Smyth for touting and bury him in a hole in the bog in Scotstown.

“It was against this rising tide of dissension that Owen Smyth, a burly Sinn Féin councillor from Monaghan…” By Eamon Lynch, (

23. So what role had you in the IRA?

24. My job was to gather information about British targets that information was typed up on an old IBM type writer that I had, it was coded and passed to Jim Lynagh. Jim compared my coded reports with reports that he had seen from a female republican in Tyrone.

25. What type of information are we talking about?

26. I will have to leave that to your imagination.

27. When did you first meet Jim Lynagh and when Lynagh was killed in 1987 how did you feel?

28. I meet Jim Lynagh in 1980 he had just served a sentence in Long Kesh, I was devastated when Jim was killed, Jim had been so excited about the fact that new weapons and explosive supplies were at hand, he really wanted to take the war to the Brits, but he was betrayed.

29. Do you honestly believe that Loughgall was the work of British agents within the republican movement?

30. I know for a fact that RUC touts within the republican movement were responsible for the Loughgall executions.

31. How do you know?

32. I have dedicated the past 31 years establishing the truth about those responsible for Loughgall.

33. But surely you can’t say you have spent the last 31 years establishing the truth about Loughgall when you were a public campaigner against the IRA?

34. You say I was a public campaigner against the IRA, I say I was a public campaigner against criminals; it just so happened that those criminals were within the IRA. The British had given their agents within Sinn Fein/IRA a free hand to do as they liked, they were able to murder and rape Catholics without sanction, Mo Mowlam, then British Secretary of state described the torture, murder and rape of Catholics by Sinn Fein/IRA members as “Internal-House-Keeping”, Sinn Fein/IRA had taken on the role of the Black and Tans to suppress Catholics in the north. The leadership were focused on the 'peace process' and tried to be all things to all people, they took their eye of the ball, the British were using their agents within Sinn Fein/PIRA to keep the violence going and the British were doing exactly the same thing on the loyalist side, and in the middle of this Catholics were being murdered. I refused to tolerate this and I done what I had to do to stop the violence against the Catholic community.

35. Are you then saying that your public persona was different from your personal position?

36. I am saying that I was and remain opposed to those people who use the republican movement for criminal activity; my position has been vindicated with all that is now known publicly about people such as Slab Murphy, Liam Adams, Dennis Donaldson and so forth.

37. When Jim Lynagh was killed did you severe your connection with the IRA?

38. No, I was approached by another member of the East Tyrone IRA and I continued to work as an Intelligence Officer for the IRA.

39. Is that IRA member still alive?

40. Yes, he is alive and well.

41. Can you name him?

42. I can, but I won’t.

43. It has been suggested that while you were in FAIT you were still working for an IRA intelligence unit, is that the case?

44. I have already made my position clear, my interest has always been to establish the truth about Loughgall, I would have went to bed with the Queen of England if that would have brought me any closer to the truth about those who betrayed Jim Lynagh.

45. It has been stated that you had meetings with IRA Leader Joe Cathal when you were in FAIT, is that true?

46. I had known Joe for many years, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin had introduced us in the early 1980s at 44 Parnell Square, and it is fair to say that I remained in contact with Joe while I was in Belfast.

47. How does that fit with your public campaign against the IRA?

48. I have already answered that question. My campaign was against criminals and British agents within the republican movement, not against true republicans.

49. If that was and is your position, why did the republican movement use their paper An Phoblacht and their press facilities at Stormont to run a campaign against you?

50. The people who ran the campaign against me were RUC informers such as Owen Smyth in Monaghan and Dennis Donaldson in Belfast, I do not believe that the Republican movement ran a campaign against me, simply criminals and agents within that organisation, some of those criminals have since been exposed and some are dead.

Vincent McKenna set up the Northern Ireland Human Rights Bureau which he operated out of a small room in his house, McKenna had no funding from any source and funded his work from part-time work.

51. Do you take any pleasure from the fact that Liam AdamsGerry Adams Snr, Thomas Slab Murphy and others within the republican movement have been exposed as criminals?

52. No, I am now and always have been an Irish Republican and for that reason I take no pleasure from these latest exposures. However, it must be said that it is beyond my understanding that Gerry Adams can be exposed as someone who concealed the rape of several children and still top the poll in Louth, I think that says a great deal about corruption in this country.

53. When you were involved in FAIT did you pass information to the IRA?

54. Firstly, when I was asked to go into the FAIT office and sort it out, I was absolutely amazed. A short time before I was asked to go into FAIT, FAIT had threatened me with legal action as I said in The Irish News that FAIT were a front for drugs dealers.

55. So who asked you to go into FAIT?

56. Liam Clarke from the Sunday Times, he and his wife Cathy Johnston had been involved with FAIT and Liam told me that FAIT was going to close unless they got someone in there quick, I could not believe that I had been asked to go into FAIT.

57. Who was involved in FAIT and who was funding FAIT?

58. When I went into the FAIT office on High Street there was nobody left in the group, they had all abandoned ship and a vast amount of money was gone missing.

59. What do you mean money gone missing?

60. Firstly, from 1996 I had been lecturing in Start Your Own Business at Queens University, so I had a very good understanding of accounts and business. FAIT had been funded to the tune of almost one-million pounds sterling, the majority of this money had come from the Central Community Relations Office at Stormont. The core funding was for rent, rates, phone, petty cash and wages for two members of staff. However, when I went into FAIT I quickly discovered that tens of thousands of pounds were missing and basics like rent, rates, electricity had not been paid for a very long time. It is also worth mentioning that Sinn Fein groups such as those opposing loyalist parades are all funded out of the same fund at Stormont.

61. What had happened to the money?

62. From my investigation, it was clear that certain people involved with FAIT had been using the petty cash account to fill their pockets, large amounts of money had been transferred through the petty cash account to facilitate this embezzlement.

63. Did FAIT have any assets?

64. No, even basic things such as a video camera that had been purchased to interview victims of violence had been taken from the office and never returned.

65. Was Sam Cushnahan not the Director of FAIT?

66. Sam was a man in serious financial difficulty when I meet him; he had just asked his brother John Cushnahan MEP to co-sign a bank loan of £20,000 to save him from bankruptcy. Sam’s wife had not spoken to him for years; Sam was having a relationship with a woman from east Belfast. Sam’s unhealthy life style lead to him having a heart attack and he often borrowed money from me to buy wine and cigarettes to take up to his mistress in east Belfast. This mistress had lost a 12 year old child to suicide.

67. Was Martin McGartland involved in FAIT?

68. Yes, he was living in hiding in England as he had been exposed as an RUC tout, McGartland was in regular contact with Sam Cushnahan.

69. What was Liam Clarke’s role in FAIT?

70. Liam was simply feed ‘exclusive’ stories by Sam Cushnahan, if someone came to FAIT seeking help Sam would usually phone Liam to see if he wanted the story.

71. FAIT had several public fall-outs among its members, why was that?

72. It was really about egos and money; they all had their hand in the cookie jar.

73. Did you receive any wages or expenses when you were in FAIT?

74. Absolutely not, there was no money in FAIT and it owed tens of thousands including rent and other basics that had been directly funded by the NIO.

75. Is it true that Martin Mc Gartland made a donation of two-thousand pounds to FAIT while you were working there?

76. I was only aware of that money being paid to Sam Cushnahan after I left FAIT.

77. How did you become aware of that payment?

78. When I left FAIT I received a tax rebate for a few pounds and I made inquires about that tax rebate, Revenue told me that two salary payments had been made in my name. When I challenged Sam Cushnahan about these payments, he told me that Martin Mc Gartland had paid two-thousand to FAIT and that the only way he (Sam) could get the money out of the FAIT bank account was to say it was for wages.

79. Did FAIT actually help any victims?

80. I can only speak for the time that I was in FAIT and what I seen there, FAIT was very poorly organised and was not subjected to the public scrutiny that it should have been. Vast amounts of tax payers’ money was pumped into FAIT simply because it was an anti-Sinn Fein platform. People in FAIT got free trips to America and certainly misused their position. Victims were a secondary consideration to people such as Sam Cushnahan.

81. Vincent, let me ask you again, were you working for the PIRA when you were in FAIT?

82. I have already answered that question.

83. Were you questioned about the shooting of RUC informer Martin Mc Gartland?

84. Yes, I was questioned for several hours in Castlereagh Holding Centre about the shooting of Mc Gartland.

85. It has been suggested that you passed McGartland’s details to the PIRA in west Belfast, and in particular to an IRA member who had been on Hunger Strike with your cousin Sean Mc Kenna in 1980, is that the case?

86. I would say that Mc Gartland was the only person who compromised his own security, he was in regular contact with journalists in the north and on occasion he invited a teenage girl over to his hideout in England where he showed off his legally held handgun.

87. This interview would not be complete if I did not ask you about the allegations that eventually seen you fall from grace, are you guilty of those allegations or do you maintain your innocence?

88. My position is today as it was in April 1998 when those allegations were first muted. I have consistently and persistently made my case before the courts and that will continue. As for those who ran a malicious and vexatious campaign against me, I can assure you that they are guilty of much greater crimes than any crime alleged against me.

89. Are you angry about the campaign that was run against you?

90. Not really, when you know that those shouting loudest are doing so to drown out the screams of their victims, you take some consolation in that, when you watch certain people campaign against you in the media when you know that those people have disposed of their unborn children and grandchildren like dogs in the waste bins of London hospitals, or that they participated in, facilitated and concealed the rape of children you know that they are simply in pain.

91. Are you talking about anyone in particular? And is it true that Dr Marian Smyth has admitted feeding unlicensed-mind-altering drugs to the person at the centre of the case against you?

92. Does it matter, they know who they are, I know who they are and some day they will stand before God. As for Marian Smyth, she was having a sexual relationship with Pete Ryan and had a child to him. Marian Smyth assumed some sort of blinkered allegiance to Pete, however, Pete was having a number of sexual relationships at the same time, and while he had Smyth pregnant he also had another woman from Ballybay pregnant, Pete thought more of his motor-bike than he did of any woman. We now know that Dr Marian Smyth feed unlicensed-mind-altering drugs (Seroxat) to the alleged victim, we know that Marian Smyth meet on several occasions with her brother-in-law Owen Smyth (RUC Tout) to see how they could advance the claims against me. We know that Owen Smyth used Patrick ‘the dwarf’ Tierney to feed information to the British tabloids.

93. Why do you think Owen Smyth went to such lengths to do you harm?

94. I meet Owen Smyth in the republican ‘A’ Wing of Crumlin Road Jail in 1981 when I was 17 years old, Smyth had just told the RUC everything he knew about republicans in Monaghan. Smyth attached himself to me for the short time I was in Crumlin Road Jail, Smyth told me that he and Jim Lynagh had planned the killings of Norman Strong and his son James at Tynan Abbey, Smyth also told me that he had told the RUC everything he knew about the IRA in Monaghan as he did not want to go to jail for the murders of Norman Strong and his son James. I think Smyth always had a chip on his shoulder about the fact that I knew he was an informer, however, my view on that was, if people were stupid enough to tell Owen Smyth anything then they must take responsibility for the consequences. Seamus McElwaine from Scotstown was also in Crumlin Road jail in 1981 and he told me to stay clear of Smyth, however, I made my own decisions about who I associated with.

95. What about Dr Marian Smyth’s role, why would she want to do you down?

96. As I have said, Marian had a blind loyalty to Pete, particularly as she had given birth to one of his children; this coupled with encouragement from Owen Smyth created the ingredients for a good old fashioned conspiracy. Fiona had told me on several occasions that Marian Smyth was angry with me for publicly campaigning against the ‘IRA’.

Fiona McCleary, Monaghan Town, County Monaghan

97. And where was your ex-wife Fiona McCleary during this? 

(Fiona McCleary dressed as a school child after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse - Fiona McCleary, under cross-examination, admitted that she had been bringing illegal pornography into Ireland from as far back as the 1980s).

98. Dr Marian Smyth operated her surgery out of her house on the Glen Road in Monaghan; Fiona worked as a cleaner and part-time secretary for Dr Smyth in her house (Smyth paid Fiona 80 punts per week, but put it through the books as 40 so that Fiona could continue to collect Social Welfare). The allegations against me surfaced a few days before I divorced Fiona in the High Court in Belfast. I had given Fiona every opportunity to sober up, but she refused and so I divorced her (Fiona would later perjure herself by saying that she had divorced me, however I had been granted the divorce in Belfast and Fiona was not present). Fiona had been putting pressure on me to sign over my house in Monaghan as she was having an affair with a married man and wanted to set up home with the said married man. I remember that following my trial one of the Brit tabloids carried a story saying Fiona had collapsed outside the court, they failed to mention she was carry the illegitimate child of a married man. Sinn Fein/PIRA in Monaghan would have been better establishing the facts about who it was that was bringing UDR members into Monaghan.

The alleged victim smiling for the cameras outside the Court while Fiona McCleary tries to conceal her illegitimate child

Below, Fiona McCleary drunk, this a few weeks after her daughter has accused her of concealing her sexual abuse.

99. So 18 years after these allegations first surfaced against you, how are you dealing with the consequences of those allegations?

100. The search for the truth is a relentless one, it is made more difficult because there are many vested interests who must do all in their power to stop this conviction from being overturned, however, some people have finally come forward and offered what thy know, this we believe is enough to go to the Court of Criminal Appeal, so that the un-corrupted truth might finally be told.

101. Thanks again for taking this time to talk with us, and we wish you well for the future.